By Anna Geis
Regardless of the present rhetoric of Western leaders, democracies are nice and widespread war-makers and interventionists. This truth stands in a wierd distinction to the liberal self-image of democracies being fairly peaceable. Addressing this distinction, the ebook turns the 'democratic peace' topic on its head: instead of investigating the explanations for the intended pacifism of democracies, it appears for the reasons in their militancy. which will clear up this puzzle, the authors go beyond the disciplinary obstacles of diplomacy and draw on political thought, political philosophy and sociology.
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Extra info for Democratic Wars: Looking at the Dark Side of Democratic Peace
Out of a total of 107 intrastate wars, for example, about a quarter involved military interventions (N = 28). For substate wars, the risk is twice as high, surpassing 50 per cent (8 interventions, measured against 15 wars). What is the connection between these developments and the issue of democracy and war? The transformation of global war proceeds in line with a fundamental change of conceptions of international order, especially in democratic states, which also contains altered security–political practices that deal with the risks of substate and intrastate violence.
2003, p. , 2002, p. 619). Extrastate war occurs between one member of the state system and one or more non-state groups outside its own territorial boundaries. Intrastate war involves armed hostilities between the government of a recognized state and armed opposition groups within that state’s boundaries. Substate or inter-communal war, in contrast, occurs between non-state or non-recognized quasi-state groups, whether within or across formal state boundaries. In these cases, a monopoly of violence either does not exist, is limited to the capital or small parts of the territory, or is not enforced in the conflict region.
However, this is also a weak spot in the Polity IV data because, if sectoral interest groups such as the military–industrial complex or globally active corporations (for example in the energy sector) have a high degree of organization and equivalent capacities to prevail in political competition, their influence on the executive and its decisions increases, which is not captured by the data. While Harald Müller (2002a, p. 59) concludes from this that democratic competition favours such actors ‘whose interests run counter to the tendency of democratic peace’, Ernst-Otto Czempiel (1996, 2002) regards such democracies as simply underdeveloped or deformed.
Democratic Wars: Looking at the Dark Side of Democratic Peace by Anna Geis