By Cedric Boeckx
The circulate thought of regulate (MTC) makes one significant declare: that keep watch over kinfolk in sentences like 'John desires to go away' are grammatically mediated by means of stream. This is going opposed to the normal view that such sentences contain no longer flow, yet binding, and analogizes keep an eye on to elevating, albeit with one very important contrast: while the objective of circulation up to the mark constructions is a theta place, in elevating it's a non-theta place; but the grammatical tactics underlying the 2 structures are an analogous. This ebook offers the most arguments for MTC and exhibits it to have many theoretical merits, the largest being that it reduces the categories of grammatical operations that the grammar permits, an immense virtue in a minimalist environment. It additionally addresses the most arguments opposed to MTC, utilizing examples from keep an eye on shift, adjunct keep watch over, and the regulate constitution of 'promise', exhibiting MTC to be conceptually, theoretically, and empirically stronger to different ways.
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Extra info for Control as Movement
Agree ∗ Agree This specific claim now introduces an additional aspect of compositeagreement relations: feature mismatch is taken to cause a derivational crash under direct agreement, like the relation between I1[+R] and PRO[−R] in (53), 30 Some historical background but not under “composite” agreement, like the relation among I2[+R] -C[+R] I1[−R] -PRO[−R] in (50). Putting aside the fact that no motivation was provided for why these two instantiations of “Agree” should yield opposite results, it is important to point out that this stipulated aspect of composite agreement leads to overgeneration.
CP C[+T, +Agr, +R] [IP PRO[−R] Agree Agree I1[+T, −Agr, −R] [tPRO . . ]]]]] Agree As before, agreement between I1 and PRO deletes I1 ’s [−Agr] and [−R] features. Agreement between C and I1 now deletes C’s [+T] and [+Agr] features, but not its [+R] feature, for it mismatches the [−R] feature of I1 . C then checks its [+R] feature with I2 . Notice that I2 agrees with C and not with PRO, which raises the question of how PRO can license its [−R] feature. According to Landau (p. 845), this feature gets licensed in virtue of I2 agreeing with C, which in turn is “coindexed” with PRO via I1 .
The reason for C not to be associated with [T] features is that the tense value of I is completely independent from the matrix clause. Furthermore, since Landau (p. 840) assumes that the presence of [Agr] on C is parasitic on [+T], if indicative C does not have [+T], it cannot have [Agr] either. Finally, if it is not specified for both features, it cannot be associated with an [R] feature, according to the R-assignment rule in (46). That being so, Landau (p. 843) claims that the reason why PRO cannot be licensed in the indicative configuration in (53) below (Landau’s [40b]) is that “Agree fails due to a feature mismatch in the R value between I◦ and PRO.
Control as Movement by Cedric Boeckx