By Emilie Stoltzfus
In the course of global battle II, American girls entered the team in unheard of numbers, and plenty of of them depended on federally funded baby care courses. on the finish of the struggle, operating moms vigorously protested the termination of kid care subsidies. In Citizen, mom, employee, Emilie Stoltzfus strains grassroots activism and nationwide and native coverage debates bearing on public investment of kid's day care within the twenty years after the tip of global struggle II. utilizing occasions in Cleveland, Ohio; Washington, D.C.; and the nation of California, Stoltzfus identifies a triumphing trust between postwar policymakers that ladies may well top serve the country as homemakers. even if federal investment used to be in brief prolonged after the tip of the warfare, grassroots campaigns for sponsored day care in Cleveland and Washington met with merely restricted luck. In California, even if, moms asserted their significance to the state's economic system as "productive voters" and gained an enduring, state-funded baby care application. additionally, by way of the Sixties, federal baby care investment won new lifestyles as a substitute to funds relief for negative unmarried moms. those debates in regards to the public's stake in what many seen as a personal topic support remove darkness from America's altering social, political, and financial priorities, in addition to the which means of girl citizenship within the postwar interval.
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Extra resources for Citizen, Mother, Worker: Debating Public Responsibility for Child Care after the Second World War (Gender and American Culture)
33 Further, the bill’s opponents ceaselessly sought to weaken mothers and work 27 and generalize language that asserted any individual’s federally guaranteed right to paid work. 34 The rewriting of the Full Employment Act marked a telling defeat for postwar labor liberals. Their agenda—which included guaranteeing citizens’ health care through an expansion of the Social Security Act and establishing permanent federal agencies to help set wages and control prices, combat employment discrimination, and assist in job placement—quickly lost out to conservatives and a less reformist liberalism in the immediate aftermath of World War II.
The lack of child care services had deep roots that left the call for their provision especially disadvantaged in an era dominated by postwar federal attention to ﬁscal policies aimed at expanding the ofﬁcial economy. Tightly bound together, the ideals of female citizenship, motherhood, and child care remained banished from this ofﬁcial economic world—the world of markets, paid workplaces, and private enterprises and corporations. As the mothers and work 19 response from the Children’s Bureau’s to Mrs.
16 Instead, she approached the issue of combining household and wage labor without assuming that the current division of labor, by sex, necessarily needed to be a part of the future. At the same time, Hawes recognized that society clearly assigned to women the responsibility for housekeeping and childrearing and that these tasks were essential for society. 17 While Crawford of the nam clearly assigned unpaid home labor to women, Murray of the cio wafﬂed on this point. He proposed expanded community facilities to relieve “home drudgery” but was unwilling to fully envision community or family sharing of child care and household work.
Citizen, Mother, Worker: Debating Public Responsibility for Child Care after the Second World War (Gender and American Culture) by Emilie Stoltzfus