By Anthony Forster (auth.)
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12-13. The funding of the Bruges Group reportedly came from Lord Forte, Sir James Goldsmith and Lord King. Lawson, The View from No. 11, op. , p. 922. See also Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, op. , p. 831. See, for instance, David Reynolds, Britannia Overruled, London, Longman, 1991, p. 275. For her perception of grass-roots support, see Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, op. , p. 831; for back-bench support, seep. 833. Hogg and Hill, Too Close to Call, op. , p. 58. , p. 94. 'My Friend Chris', Economist, 20 April 1991; Michael Binyon, 'Farewell to an Admirable Fixer', The Times, 28 March 1991.
475. Author's interview with a senior British negotiator. See also editorial, 'Corridor Diplomacy', The Times, 1 July 1991. Author's interview with Michael Welsh MEP, and Bill Cash MP. Wallace, 'British Foreign Policy after the Cold War', op. , p. 287. Europe after Maastricht, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report Vol. II, House of Commons, Session 1991-2, 223-II. For an account of the political acumen of Garel-Jones see Bruce Anderson, John Major: the Making of a Prime Minister, London, Fourth Estate, 1991, pp.
Union politique', Le Monde, 2 October 1991. Agence Europe, 15 September 1991. , op. , p. 176. For the text see 'Draft Union Treaty', Europe Documents, 1746/1747, 20 November 1991. David Buchan and David Gardiner, 'Major to be Offered Trade-off', Financial Times, 27 November 1991. Agence Europe, 11 December 1991. 9) but only exercisable through unanimity of Member States and national ratification. 1 The Origins of British Policy The British government's handling of the Maastricht negotiations of 1990 to 1991 must be understood most immediately in the context of the divisions within the Conservative Party following the downfall of Mrs Thatcher.
Britain and the Maastricht Negotiations by Anthony Forster (auth.)